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Industry
Associations Oppose Senate Legislation to Prevent "Another
Enron"
March 11, 2002
Download the full report
including the tables.
On March 6,
2002, Senator Dianne Feinstein (D-CA) provided the first opportunity
for the Senate to pass meaningful reform to help prevent another
Enron-like debacle. This reform, offered as an amendment to the
pending Senate energy legislation, would re-regulate the energy
derivatives transactions that played such a key role in Enron's
implosion. However, several powerful industry associations have
come out publicly in opposition to Senator Feinstein's proposed
reform. The Senate, which could vote on Senator Feinstein's amendment
as early as Tuesday, March 12th, should stand firm against industry
pressure and pass Senator Feinstein's amendment to bring more transparency
to the energy trading market.
Energy Derivatives
and the Enron Collapse
Derivatives are highly-leveraged transactions, many of which are
extremely complex and difficult to understand-even for seasoned
securities traders and investors. The financial world uses these
contracts to hedge against the risk of price fluctuations or to
speculate. Enron also used them to inflate its balance sheet and
hide debt. So-called over-the-counter derivatives have grown sevenfold
during the past decade and are now a key risk-management tool for
nearly every business, from automakers wanting to pin down future
borrowing costs to banks wanting to minimize losses from interest-rate
changes.
Enron used over-the-counter
derivatives extensively in order to hide the nature of just what
it was doing to make money. Now, far too many former employees,
investors and retirees are paying the price for Enron's desire to
operate through murky, confusing, and unregulated transactions.
In addition, as the stock market roils, energy companies are having
difficulty raising capital to fund investments in future energy
production. Given the misunderstanding pervading the investor community
over derivatives and the precipitous collapse of Enron, derivatives
merit closer scrutiny by federal regulatory authorities.
Restoring
Clarity, Stability, and Oversight to the Energy Sector
Energy derivatives were regulated until just two short years ago.
In December 2000, Senator Phil Gramm (R-TX) co-sponsored the Commodity
Futures Modernization Act, which exempted energy derivatives trading
and electronic trading platforms from regulatory oversight. In the
words of James Ridgeway of the Village Voice, it passed "without
undergoing the usual committee hearings and preliminary votes. (The
act) was immediately attached as a rider to an 11,000-page appropriations
bill. It passed and was signed into law by President Clinton six
days later."
It did not take
long for Enron Online and others in the energy sector to take advantage
of this new loophole by trading energy derivatives absent any regulatory
oversight or transparency. As a result, about 90% of energy trades
representing purely financial transactions are not regulated by
either the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission (FERC) or the Commodity
Futures Trading Commission (CFTC).
Senator Feinstein's
amendment would repeal the provisions of the Commodity Futures Modernization
Act exempting energy derivatives from regulation, providing price
transparency when energy derivatives are traded and giving the CFTC
oversight authority for such transactions. This amendment would
help ensure that over-the-counter traders of energy derivatives
operate with proper federal oversight, fostering a more stable market
with transparent transactions. The CFTC, an agency already charged
with overseeing investment instruments such as derivatives, has
the expertise to handle the complexity of these transactions and
to develop the necessary protections. Moreover, Senator Feinstein's
amendment requires the cooperation of FERC, providing an additional
safety net for the investing public.
The Opposition
Several corporations, exchanges and trade associations representing
the energy sector support the Feinstein amendment, including the
New York Mercantile Exchange, Chicago Mercantile Exchange, Cambridge
Energy Research Associates, American Public Gas Association, American
Public Power Association, Pacific Gas and Electric, Calpine, Mid-America
Energy Holding Company and Texas Independent Producers and Royalty
Association. Thomas J. Erickson, commissioner of the Commodity Futures
Trading Commission, and Pat Wood, Chairman of the Federal Energy
Regulatory Commission, also support this amendment.
However, there
is a powerful group of trade associations organizing to oppose this
much-needed reform. The primary opponents include the Electric Power
Supply Association, the International Swaps and Derivatives Association,
the American Bankers Association, the American Bankers Association
Securities Association, the Bond Market Association, the Financial
Services Roundtable, the Futures Industry Association, the Securities
Industry Association, and the U.S. Chamber of Commerce. Those who
oppose regulation of the energy derivatives market say it shows
no signs of needing oversight, that complying with the new reporting
requirements-the same reporting requirements that the CFTC requires
of the New York Mercantile Exchange and the Chicago Mercantile Exchange-would
be too burdensome. The opposition also claims that this amendment
is premature, arguing that there is no proof that over-the-counter
energy derivatives help to precipitate Enron's collapse, despite
expert analysis to the contrary.
These trade
associations have spent millions of dollars on lobbying and campaign
contributions to Senate candidates over the last two election cycles.
This enormous spending, while likely not securing specific votes,
has bought these industry associations incredible access to key
decision-makers in the Senate-decision-makers who will be voting
this week on whether or not to re-regulate energy derivatives. As
detailed in Table 1 (page
4), the nine industry associations publicly opposing the Feinstein
amendment have spent $46 million on lobbying in 2000 and the first
half of 2001 alone. In addition, these industry associations have
given more than a million dollars in PAC contributions to Senate
candidates and contributed more than $1.7 million in soft money
in the 1999-2000 and 2001-2002 election cycles.
Of course, these
associations are comprised of numerous member companies-some of
the largest in the country-that choose to affiliate with the industry
associations because of shared political goals and ideals. Therefore,
although these industry associations are representing the interests
of the member companies before Congress, the larger member companies
lobby independently and distribute campaign contributions above
and beyond those of the industry associations. Dozens of companies
belong to one or more of the industry associations formally opposing
the Feinstein amendment. Bank of America, Bank One, Bear Stearns,
Citigroup, Credit Suisse FirstBoston, Goldman Sachs, J.P. Morgan
Chase, Lehman Brothers, Merrill Lynch and Wells Fargo, which each
belong to at least three of the industry associations, spent enormous
amounts of money on lobbying and campaign contributions in the last
two election cycles as well, as shown in Table
2 (page 4). Although these corporations have taken no known
public position on the Feinstein amendment, they are exemplars of
the political power and muscle of the member companies represented
by the industry associations formally opposing Senator Feinstein's
proposed re-regulation of energy derivatives.
Conclusion
The Senate should resist industry pressure and take immediate action
to protect investors, employees and pensioners from future Enron-like
collapses by passing Senator Feinstein's amendment to the Senate
energy bill. Far from subjecting energy traders to burdensome and
unfair regulations, this amendment would require energy traders
to comply with important reporting and transparency requirements
similar to those currently followed by the New York Mercantile Exchange
and the Chicago Mercantile Exchange and met by energy traders until
only two years ago. At a time when we are wondering how Enron could
keep so many analysts and accountants in the dark about their balance
sheets, we need to re-shine the bright light of public scrutiny
on these murky and complex energy derivative transactions.
For more information,
please contact:
Ed Mierzwinski
Consumer Program Director
U.S. Public Interest Research Group
218 D Street SE
Washington, DC 20003
(202) 546-9707
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